Amid a new diplomatic dispute between Bogotá and Washington, Colombia announced that it will suspend the purchase of military equipment from the U.S. to outfit its Armed Forces. The measure was made public following the decision of Donald Trump’s administration to decertify Colombia as a partner in the counternarcotics fight, alleging noncompliance with commitments to curb drug trafficking and the increase in coca cultivation. In response, the decision adopted by President Gustavo Petro and his cabinet marks a breaking point in the historic defense cooperation between both countries.
The trigger for this rupture was the U.S. accusation that the Colombian government not only failed to control cocaine production but had also allowed an unprecedented increase. The decertification, though largely symbolic, represents a significant political and diplomatic blow, as it places Colombia —a traditional U.S. ally— in the same category as Bolivia, Myanmar, or Venezuela in terms of counternarcotics. Petro responded firmly, declaring that Colombia will not accept “blackmail” nor continue to depend on the “handouts” of its main military partner.
The suspension of U.S. arms purchases raises questions about the modernization and sustainment capacity of Colombia’s Armed Forces. Historical dependence on American equipment in areas such as aviation, intelligence, and logistics poses immediate risks to the operational readiness of the Armed and Security Forces, which are facing a renewed offensive by drug-trafficking-funded armed groups. The drug-trafficking issue is central to this dispute.
For the Trump administration, the 70% increase in coca cultivation reflects the failure of Petro’s counternarcotics policy, while the Colombian president insists that the real problem lies in consumption in the U.S. and Europe. Earlier this year, the U.S. suspended logistical support for the Black Hawk helicopters donated to the Colombian National Police for counternarcotics operations, along with halting deliveries of M1117 armored vehicles.
There is also the precedent from 2024, when Petro suspended the acquisition of military material from Israel following the Gaza offensive. That measure created major uncertainty within the Armed Forces, particularly regarding the sustainment of the IAI Kfir fighter-bomber fleet, which depends on Israeli support. Ultimately, in early 2025, Bogotá was forced to resume technical cooperation with IAI to ensure maintenance of those aircraft. That episode serves as an analogy to the current situation with the U.S., suggesting the suspension could be temporary and that operational needs may eventually outweigh political tensions.
It is worth noting that, over the past year, bilateral cooperation has played an important role on several fronts. In August 2025, the multinational exercise Relámpago de los Andes 2025 concluded, where the U.S. Air Force deployed F-16 fighters, C-17s, KC-135s, and HC-130Js to Colombian territory, integrating air superiority and humanitarian assistance training for the first time. Likewise, in May this year, the U.S. Coast Guard confirmed the transfer of its last three Island-class patrol boats —USCGC Naushon, Mustang, and Liberty— to the Colombian Navy under the Excess Defense Articles (EDA) program, reinforcing maritime patrol and jurisdictional water control capabilities.
The impact of this decision goes beyond the military realm, also raising questions about Colombia’s ability to sustain and modernize its Armed Forces. The suspension of purchases from the U.S. represents a risky move in defense terms, reducing access to one of its main equipment providers. At the same time, however, it underscores the idea of diversifying partners and seeking greater levels of autonomy. As with the episode involving Israel and the Kfir fighter-bombers, time and operational needs will determine whether this stance holds or whether Colombia will need to reestablish ties with its traditional ally.
Images used for illustrative purposes.
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